El papel de la iglesia catolica

In other indigenous places, it had the opposite effect. I exclude interpretation of the variable grouping several indigenous group majorities together because of the problems of interpreting its results.

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I then conclude. Despite possible variation among these groups in their attitudes toward UyC systems and their relationship with the Catholic Church, I group them into a single variable called "Other Indigenous Group Majority Municipality," coded in the same way as the separate indigenous group variables noted above.

Even so, it is not clear what any observed reductions in PRI support mean for the indigenous communities where they occurred.

Specifically, I analyze the explanatory power of the two main competing arguments about the role of the Catholic Church in Mexican democratization. The variation in the findings forthe specific indigenous group and Catholic interaction variables lead me to two conclusions.

Regional trends in the rise of Protestantism reflected regional challenges to authoritarian PRI rule. As shown in Model 2, Mixe majority municipalities were more likely to adopt UyC regimes than municipalities with no indigenous or single indigenous group majority the excluded groupas shown by the Mixe Municipal Majority variable's positive and significant coefficient.

The most systematic result is found in the majority Mixe municipalities. In terms of the interaction of Oaxaca's different indigenous groups with the level of Catholic Church presence, we turn to Table 7.

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And, the state also counts on considerable cross-municipal variation in the level of PRI support. The research here suggests that state or country level analyses as well as case study research should be contextualized by way of cross-case comparisons like the one conducted here. First, although the church wielded no statewide systematic influence on politics, it does wield power at the municipal level on occasion, although this power varies in direction and by indigenous group. For reasons of space I do not go into the precise calculations of the effects of these terms on first place party margins but the point is clear: rising levels of Catholicism are not systematically associated with rising or falling first place party margins in indigenous communities, leading us to conclude that the Catholic Church did not have any active systematic effect on Oaxacan politics. This supports those authors who have highlighted the Catholic Church's non-active, that is, passive role in delivering the PRI support. But, it does highlight the importance of appreciating the limits of their application. It would thus appear that only in that year did any democratization really occur, given the impact of Catholicism on declining PRI support that year shown in Table 3 , however, this effect was temporary at best. Not all scholars agree that differences between Latin America's Catholic and Protestant churches reflect a struggle between the traditional and the modern.

Table 1 presents summary statistics of these last two variables for all municipalities in Oaxaca. Introduction The effect of religion on politics has long been a popular topic for study for students of Latin American politics.

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"El papel de la Iglesia Católica durante y después de la Guerra Civil E" by Mattie E. Raiford