In other indigenous places, it had the opposite effect. I exclude interpretation of the variable grouping several indigenous group majorities together because of the problems of interpreting its results.
I then conclude. Despite possible variation among these groups in their attitudes toward UyC systems and their relationship with the Catholic Church, I group them into a single variable called "Other Indigenous Group Majority Municipality," coded in the same way as the separate indigenous group variables noted above.
Even so, it is not clear what any observed reductions in PRI support mean for the indigenous communities where they occurred.
Specifically, I analyze the explanatory power of the two main competing arguments about the role of the Catholic Church in Mexican democratization. The variation in the findings forthe specific indigenous group and Catholic interaction variables lead me to two conclusions.
Regional trends in the rise of Protestantism reflected regional challenges to authoritarian PRI rule. As shown in Model 2, Mixe majority municipalities were more likely to adopt UyC regimes than municipalities with no indigenous or single indigenous group majority the excluded groupas shown by the Mixe Municipal Majority variable's positive and significant coefficient.
The most systematic result is found in the majority Mixe municipalities. In terms of the interaction of Oaxaca's different indigenous groups with the level of Catholic Church presence, we turn to Table 7.
Table 1 presents summary statistics of these last two variables for all municipalities in Oaxaca. Introduction The effect of religion on politics has long been a popular topic for study for students of Latin American politics.